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Freedom and the Base, Shameful, Ugly

March 7, 2007

It's easy to get down on the past century and modernity in general, as has been noted around here before. In response, one usually has to point to the great flowering of freedom, at least in the U.S. and Western Europe, that's taken place particularly in the last 60 years. Women are now educated. Black people cannot be legally denied equal protection before the law, let alone held in slavery. We don't lock up mentally retarded people in cages; in fact, by law we must provide for wheelchairs and those with other disabilities in most new public endeavors. These can be, and are, seen as great successes of the liberal project: more individuals have more political freedom than ever before. It might even be said that "the honorable achievement of our fathers," American freedom, is the adornment of our civilization. Indeed, it's tempting to view the history of our nation as one of ever-increasing waves of freedom.

From the day of our Founding, we have proclaimed that every man and woman on this earth has rights, and dignity, and matchless value, because they bear the image of the Maker of Heaven and earth. Across the generations we have proclaimed the imperative of self-government, because no one is fit to be a master, and no one deserves to be a slave. Advancing these ideals is the mission that created our Nation.

But who says freedom's that great?

It's not news to anyone, probably not even the man who said those words, that freedom doesn't lead straight to happiness. Moreover, freedom isn't a virtue, it's a simple condition. As the Stoics pointed out, one's freedom of choice is always present and indomitable; we only choose not to act as entirely free men at certain times and in exchange for things like honor or continued life. So freedom, qua freedom, isn't really that good of an historical benchmark. But political freedom, which is what Americans tend to think about when they say freedom, is a more complicated beast. I think Americans tend to mean by it the public space in which it's possibly to act as a free man would. Thus, it's merely an absence of unjust limitations on one's actions. Even though it's essentially a negation, this political freedom is pretty good to have around. I like having women be educated, for instance, because, to paraphrase Woody Allen, it automatically doubles your chance of meeting someone interesting to talk with.

But every once in a while, usually when confronted with the ugliness of license, I start to wonder whether it's all worth it. A couple weeks ago, I was talking with some female friends about some of the ugliness and pain that arise when old forms die and are fitfully replaced. Armed only with ignorance, many people make a mess of freedom. In fairness, I had to ask, are we really gaining for the last 40 years' grant of unparalleled freedom to women? Is all the suffering and degradation worth it? Doesn't it seem uglier and, possibly, larger than the suffering it replaced? Moreover, can we afford the indulgence we give towards widespread political freedom? Doesn't it make us weaker as a civilization, more vulnerable to those who want to destroy us? Should we sacrifice the modesty of young women for the hope that they'll survive their errors and, maybe, emerge as economic equals? After all, there is a large portion of the world's population that see America's freedom not as the possession of a self-ruled man, or a condition leading to virtue or happiness, but simply a lack of restraint, and who call Americans not admirable but pitiable. Aren't there more important things than political freedom?

My interlocutor gamely played along with these concerns, paternalistic as they were. She described some of the "hard women" she sees around DC, who separate sex from love for the sake of careers. Were they happier for their calculus? She thought not. But she then pointed out the analogy to the history of African Americans. We're both fans of The Wire and its rigorously realistic portrayals of the failures that are America's inner cities. For thirty-nine years, millions of black people have been living in the ruins of the old forms of their communities, which they had built up against oppression and then destroyed in spasms of anger. Can they be said to have benefited from equality and freedom? Almost immediately, I saw the foolishness of my doubts.

Of course, there're the obvious points that slavery's bad, and that the ugliness of the inner city is counterbalanced by legions of black successes. Moreover, I've learned so much from America's music, of which pretty much the only worthwhile sort (and the vast majority) is made by African Americans or derived from their poetry. I'd even argue that the conditions that make St. John's-type conversations possible are greatly aided by the coming-to-freedom that America has experienced since its troubled, lie-filled, and possibly imprudent Founding. Messy though it was, I and every other modern American would be worse off if the irrational restraints on black people's freedom hadn't been destroyed. The analogy to women seemed apparent. But it was the end of Mass the next morning that made me realize how necessary and formative political freedom has been to anything that's good about being a modern. We sang as the final hymn Ein Feste Berg. The last stanza is

That word above all earthly powers, no thanks to them, abideth;
The Spirit and the gifts are ours through Him Who with us sideth:
Let goods and kindred go, this mortal life also;
The body they may kill: God’s truth abideth still,
His kingdom is forever.

As much as one can criticize Luther for getting stuff wrong and modernity for causing a lot of uproar, that sort of fervent (and often misguided) devotion to the truth is the chief virtue of modernity, and it's most present within the context of political freedom. There's a lot not to like about the Copernican view of the universe, say. But once it's gotten out there, better to let Galileo do his thing than to try to enforce an irrational restraint on his freedom (as the modern Roman church has of course acknowledged). Once we're all individuals trying to use reason to get through life, it's best to treat us all that way. Is America's vision of freedom sustainable? I don't know. But is it good? Qualifiedly, yes.

Comments

1

I do find this an interesting point of view. It provoked a lot of uncertain and contradictory reactions on various levels of my brain. I need to think about this, and then maybe I’ll be back if I find I have anything useful to say.

(I think the previous is a sentence I should really learn to start using more often on Monadology.)

2

But every once in a while, usually when confronted with the ugliness of license, I start to wonder whether it’s all worth it.

Has human nature changed over time? Does the ugliness of license depend on the calendar? I’m skeptical of this, but could be convinced.

3

Martin, thanks. I should take up your habit, too, of saying: “I’m interested, but don’t have much to say at the moment.”

Mike, I wouldn’t argue that human nature has changed at all, but that the limits of what’s permitted (publicly, at least) have. But perhaps you’re pointing to a bigger flaw with my repudiated reasoning: that suffering and license may well have been relative constants throughout history. (One might bring up the recently published survey that showed that a constant majority of Americans over the last three generations have had pre-marital sex to refute my concern that today’s shameful things are more numerous than yesterday’s.) I would have little to say to that argument—it’s likely true—except that it tends to support where I ended up in the post.

4

This sentence struck me: “Once we’re all individuals trying to use reason to get through life, it’s best to treat us all that way.”

Politically I agree with this—if you’re still talking about basic political freedoms and their importance. But this sounds like it is as much or more a comment on the modern self, which I think might be heartily resistant to certain kinds of truth.

5

Jess,

While I meant that statement in the first sense you mentioned, I take your point about its danger. Governments do make their citizens after a fashion, so the political quickly influences individual virtue. But I guess I’m saying that the modern state’s general fashioning of atomistic individuals doesn’t preclude some of us from not becoming complete moderns ourselves. If anything, this post was about me figuring out how to understand the modern conception of freedom so that (one hopes) I don’t delude myself with America’s vision of it. That’s gotta count for something.

6

Oh, of course. It counts for a great deal. The whole dialectic of the culture wars seems to revolve around this big question of when and how cultural restraints and inherited customs actually constitute political un-freedoms. Thinking these questions through in a more human way—not just in structural terms, arguments about the Constitution, or in overly abstract discussions of rights—is clearly what you’re trying to do, and it’s really important.

7

Tangentially, Belle Waring had a really magnificent post on Crooked Timber the other day about those two Washington Post articles, among other things.

8

Moss,

the fact that you found the post “really magnificent” may be the best indicator yet of the conceptual distance between us. I found the post a great example of the docta indocta, the learned ignorance, that so many moderns have: the ability to use extensive intellectual tools and skills to make really stupid arguments and statements look plausible and intelligent. The comments, filled with words like “reactionary” and “moralising” and “paternalistic” were predictably irritating to me as well, although there were some that appeared to have some sense, as in #48.

9

the fact that you found the post “really magnificent” may be the best indicator yet of the conceptual distance between us

I would agree with this.

10

Yeah, I have to agree with Michael here. Belle’s post is really highly inadequate in a bunch of different ways. It’s certainly imaginative, but I don’t mean that as a compliment.


11

Jess: Though I understand why you read it as you did, I meant that last sentence not about my own efforts, so much as about the ability, which is a direct result of modernity’s political structure, of some of us to be not entirely modern and to be, possibly, virtuous. You’re kind to compliment one way in which I’m trying to act in that fashion.

All: I seem to fall somewhere in the middle on praise and blame of that post to which Moss referred us. One of the things I wish it had done is confront directly the problems about the “hook-up culture” that are the meat of critics’ reaction to it, instead of simply attacking the historical structure within which they speak. Its point that women like sex is sadly lacking in the public debates, so I can forgive the author the time she takes on such an obvious matter.